The late US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who passed away at age 84, was considered arguably the most powerful holders of that position in American history. Although numerous second-in-commands had to settle for minor or figurehead roles, Cheney exercised substantial sway during the administration of George W Bush, to the point that he was often referred to as the "actual president".
Bush objected to this portrayal and claimed the connection was more complex. He pointed out that Cheney was deferential, always addressing him in public settings as Mr President, while he addressed him as Dick. Bush disputed even characterisations of their partnership as a collaboration because it suggested that they were equals. In spite of such protestations, Cheney viewed the relaxed president accommodating on a whole raft of policy decisions.
The Aftermath of 9/11
Leading of a faction of conservative hawks that included Pentagon chief Donald Rumsfeld and deputy defence secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he strongly advocated the armed incursion of Iraq in 2003 in reaction to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. When of the 9/11 assault, Bush had been taking part in a meeting at a school in Florida. As Bush traveled to a secure location in Nebraska, Cheney took charge, directing the downing of any unresponsive planes nearing the government building.
Cheney stated the attacks transformed him, causing him to be intent on retaliation. In conjunction with other neo-conservatives, including Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he campaigned for a invasion of Afghanistan in an endeavor to seize Osama bin Laden. Cheney then strongly advocated for the military action of Iraq, though there was no evidence of Saddam Hussein playing a role.
Controversial Actions
He showed no remorse about the military campaign, in which an approximated 100,000 Iraqis perished, or about the waterboarding of suspects apprehended after 9/11. He informed CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion effort, which was founded on misleading intelligence circulated by Cheney, was the right decision. "It proved to be the right thing to do back then. I believed it back then and I hold that view presently."
Yet during that period, there were opposing views at a top tier about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the government's own representatives to the Middle East, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was dismissed from the role. "I observed, at the very least," he subsequently stated "clear negligence, inaction, and recklessness: at worst, deception, ineptitude, and corruption."
Additional Factors
Cheney was not solely to blame for the Iraq invasion. Prior to 9/11, Wolfowitz had advocated for similar measures. He had drafted a document outlining scenarios in which national priorities might be endangered (including "obtaining essential resources, mostly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had asserted that "the US should be prepared to operate alone when cooperative measures cannot be arranged," specifically citing military moves against Iraq.
Bush additionally had entered the White House somewhat determined on executing what his parent had notably declined to do in 1991; topple Saddam. Subsequent to he had been dismissed by the president, the treasury secretary Paul O'Neill recounted how, at the opening session of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had announced his objective of reducing America's involvement in the regional tensions and suggested military action against Iraq.
Bush held a private grievance against Saddam, thinking he had been involved in a plot to kill his parent, President George HW Bush, on a journey to Kuwait in 1993. He also objected to that one of the most prominent accommodations in Baghdad had a floor mural with a portrait of his father's visage that all visitors had to walk over.
Questioning Techniques
However it was Cheney who was one of the most outspoken supporting striking Iraq, repeatedly citing intelligence reports that were either insubstantial or totally deceptive. He supported what the Bush administration euphemistically referred to as "advanced techniques", the application of interrogation method and physical pressure.
Addressing a Senate report in 2014 that found that no useful information had been obtained through the harsh techniques, Cheney disregarded the findings as "riddled with crap". He told Fox News: "We asked [the CIA] to take steps and put in place programmes to catch the individuals who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and make sure it would not recur. That was specifically what they did and they deserve a lot of credit."
Public Image
Cheney took pleasure in labels assigned to him by detractors such as the Star Wars villain and the dark figure, and by the idea that he was a dark force controlling Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 book about the pair, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is quoted as saying: "Am I the sinister strategist in the corner that operates invisibly emerge from his domain? It's a nice way to function, truthfully."
Commercial Ties
Debate over his business interests pursued him during his tenure as second-in-command. While he had minimal expertise in business but good contacts in security, especially in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's largest oil and gas companies, in 1995 as chair and top executive.
In 2000 he became Bush's election partner for the White House. Debatably, during the military campaign, Halliburton was given US contracts valued at billions.
It greatly increased his wealth. His yearly earnings during his period at the company grew from his quarter-million dollars during his time as Pentagon chief to over four million. When he left in 2000 he had a package valued at more than $20m|twenty
